Eirini ARTEMI, Hellenic Open University, Athens (Greece) (Session 7A) (eartemi@theol.uoa.gr)
“The Heretic Gnostic and the Real ‘Gnostic’ in Christ according to the Teaching of Irenaeus of Lyon”
The fight against gnostics allowed the holy bishop to develop the Christian doctrine with a perfect way. At first, he showed that the knowledge (gnosis) that heretics sought in vain in mythical narratives was not real. The only real gnosis was love and grace for believers in Christ and they were given to them by the Holy Spirit. Only in church can a man be saved. And the real “gnostics” were not those who rejected and despised their body in order to worship an “incomprehensible God” and “Creator,” but the “spiritual” people who received from the Holy Spirit the resurrection of the flesh and its indestructibility.

Arkadiy AVDOKHIN, King’s College, London (United Kingdom) (Session 5B) (Chairing Session 6B) (arkadii.avdokhin@kcl.ac.uk)
“Athanasios, Demons, and Psalms (Again): Scriptural Lines as an Apotropaic Technique in Vita Antonii”
Antony’s struggle with demons in Athanasios’ Vita Antonii has been approached from an incredible number of perspectives. I hope to shed new light on the old problem by looking at Athanasios’ representation of Antony against the background of late antique apotropaic practices. Antony in Vita Antonii rebuffs demons by saying sentence-long lines from Psalms. This pattern is directly paralleled in the apotropaic uses of psalmic lines abundantly attested archaeologically (papyri, ostraca, and “magic bowls”). The fact that the technique was arguably practiced by Jews, Christians and “pagans” in late antiquity is illustrative of Athanasios’ versatile rhetoric of orthodoxy in Vita Antonii.

Vladimir BARANOV, Novosibirsk State University of Architecture, Design, and Fine Arts, Novosibirsk (Russia) (Session 2B) (Chairing Session 4B) (baranovv@academ.org)
“Visual and Ideological Context of the Chalke Inscription at the Entrance to the Great Palace in Constantinople”
The paper follows up on the earlier published research into the theological meaning of the inscription on the bronze doors of the imperial palace in Constantinople, and addresses the wider spatial and symbolical context of late antique gate decoration. The paper proposes the tentative reconstruction of the scene which the inscription accompanied, and explores the early Christian roots of the entire composition, primarily, the interplay of the theological meaning of resurrection and transfiguration, as well as interchangeability of anthropomorphic Christ and the cross, found in both early Christian art and literature.

Grigory BENEVICH, Russian Christian Academy for the Humanities, St Petersburg (Russia) (Session 1B) (benevitch@mail.ru)
“Maximus Confessor’s Interpretation of Abraham’s Hospitality in Genesis 18 in Comparison with the Previous Orthodox Tradition”
There are two main versions of interpretation of God’s theophany to Abraham in Genesis 18 in Orthodox exegesis. These are that the three “men” were either the pre-incarnate Christ and two angels, or, later, that they were a type of the Trinity. My paper will analyse Maximus the Confessor’s exegesis of this passage. His interpretation will be treated in the context of his teaching on love, his philosophical ideas, and polemics with tritheism. I will show that his exegesis can be understood as a creative synthesis that overcomes the one-sided ideological approaches of preceding Orthodox interpretations.

Dmitry BIRIUKOV, State University for Aerospace Instrumentation, St Petersburg (Russia) (Session 1B) (Chairing Session 6C) (dbirjuk@gmail.com)
“Physical Paradigms in the Christological Controversies”
The report aims to investigate how in the course of the polemic between, on the one hand, authors who sided with the Chalcedonian creed and, on the other hand, the Monophysites, the representatives of the competing parties willing to clarify their christological views used contrary paradigms of mixing between physical bodies. The authors, who in one or another way followed the Chalcedonian position (Leontius of Byzantium, Leontius of Jerusalem, Maximus the Confessor, and John of Damascus), shared the Stoic paradigm of mixing, which implies a total blending of physical bodies. At the same time, the authors, who upheld the Monophysite position (Sergius the Grammarian and John Philoponus), while dealing with the theme of mixing, used the teaching that went back to the opponents of the Stoics, e.g. Aristotle, the Peripatetics, and Plotinus. This correlates with the polemical arguments of the Monophysite writers, which were against the christology of the Chalcedonians. I am going to examine how the paradigms of mixing between physical bodies were interpreted by the Chalcedonians and the Monophysites and analyze the bond of this discourse with the christological thought of these authors.

Dimitri A. BRATKIN, St Petersburg State University, St Petersburg (Russia) (Session 1A) (bratkin@yandex.ru)
“Circumcision of Timothy as a Dating Anachronism in Acts 16:3”
In Acts Timothy is a free person born to a Jewish mother and a Gentile father, whom Paul circumcises “for the sake of the Jews.” This passage offers obvious exegetical difficulties. I suggest that matrilineal principle, unattested before the mid-second century, and sympathetic depiction of the circumcision of an uncircumcised adult male by a Roman citizen offers a narrow slot for the date of Acts within ca. 110-130 CE, which fits the date of CE 125 once suggested by O’Neill.

István M. BUGÁR, University of Debrecen, Debrecen (Hungary) (Session 3B) (i_m_bugar@telenormail.hu)
“Hippolytus Recast and a Late Antique Dies irae”
The proposed paper aims at casting some light on the intellectual and social context of an eschatological treatise transmitted under the name of Hippolytus (De consummatione mundi, CPG 1910) and a closely related metrical homily in Greek attributed to Ephrem of Syria and preserved in different versions (CPG 3946; 4012). The first of the two texts has long been known to be a reworking of a genuine work of Hippolytus on the subject (De Christo et Antichristo, CPG 1872) and its close relation to the Ephrem Graecus text has also been observed. In my paper I propose new clues as to the dating of these texts and explore in which way the eschatological vision of Hippolytus has been updated in the pseudepigraphon.

Elena CHEPEL, School of Advanced Studies in the Humanities, Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (Section 7C) (e.chepel@reading.ac.uk)
“Eucharist in Papyrus Amulets”
Numerous papyrus amulets from Egypt (usually labelled as magic) show liturgical formulas appropriated for the individual lived practices. Some of these papyri appeal to the body and blood of Christ for protection, probably reflecting the phraseology of the communion. This paper further explores how early traditions of the eucharist were reflected in the amulets, paying special attention to the symbolism of the bread. I shall include in the analysis a new amulet from the John Rylands collection which contains a reference to the eucharist as manna and the sacred table in the desert.

Barry M. CRAIG, Diocese of Cairns, Cairns, Australia (Section 6A) (barry@stansplace.com)
“Feeding the Multitudes in Eucharistic Understanding”
The predominance gained by the Last Supper accounts in interpreting and shaping the eucharistic liturgy resulted in ancient witnesses to other understandings or practices being ignored or rejected. Attention to patristic period interpretations of Jesus feeding a multitude from five (or seven) loaves and two (or a few) fish reveals persistent associations with teaching on the eucharist, and traces of this survive in the liturgical institution narratives that emerged from the fourth century. This paper explores some of those patristic interpretations to explain the presence of features in the institutions narratives that are foreign to the Last Supper accounts.

Andrew DAUNTON-FEAR, Bristol (United Kingdom) (Session 2A) (fear.no.evil70@gmail.com)
“Can We Hear the Spoken Words of Gregory of Nazianzus?”
Saint Gregory of Nazianzus, of great repute in the Orthodox Church as a theologian, was also an outstanding preacher whose style was honed by some of the greatest teachers of rhetoric of his day. We have scripts of forty-four of his homilies (orations), issued to posterity from his retirement. Their often complex style and thought has led scholars to deduce that he heavily reworked them and to question whether we can any longer hear what he actually said.  Yet the scripts of his festal orations and certain others display such rhetorical power that there can be little doubt that they give us substantially his spoken words.

Kazuhiko DEMURA, Okayama University, Okayama (Japan) (Session 3A) (Chairing Session 5A) (demura@okayama-u.ac.jp)
“The Survival of Philosophia in the Latin West: The Case of Augustine of Hippo”
As P. Hadot impressively pointed out, philosophy is originally developed as a way of life in the ancient world, but such a feature was gradually lost in the history of western philosophy. In contrast, some keen relations between philosophy and ascesis have been kept in eastern monasiticism. In this paper I will examine Augustine of Hippo’s understanding of philosophy as a way of life and his philosophical activities in his monastery and during his episcopate. And then I will consider how Augustine’s concept of philosophia (amor sapientiae) was understood or misunderstood by western intellectuals and will explore some traces of survival of the ancient tradition.

Claudia DOBRINSKI, Universität Paderborn, Paderborn (Germany) (Session 2B) (claudia.dobrinski@web.de)
“In more romano: The Ottonian West Transept – An Architectural and Liturgical Excerpt”

Even until modern times, sacral Christian buildings make reference to early Christian architecture. Glimpses of the earliest architectural vocabularies can be detected in cathedrals, monasteries, parish churches, and baptisteries. In More Romano—the building structure of the west transept and the liturgy it serves— is one of the best examples of this reflection and recycling of cherished details from the most important and formative of early Christian buildings, Old St Peter’s in Rome. This reflection of ancient forms reminds us of traditions which are sometimes lost, misapprehended or superseded by new interpretations. During the Ottonian period many examples of the west transept form were constructed and I would like to identify and highlight the visible reference to this early Christian tradition.

Geoffrey D. DUNN, Australian Catholic University, Brisbane (Australia) (Session 5A) (Chairing Session 7A) (geoffrey.dunn@acu.edu.au)
“Discipline and Correction: Augustine on the Violence of the Donatists in Epistula 185”
In the lengthy Epistula 185 to Boniface, Augustine outlines the difference between Arians and Donatists. The letter quickly turns to the question of violence perpetrated by the followers of Donatus and Caecilianus. Augustine claims that the violence inflicted by the Donatists against the Caecilianists or themselves was violence indeed, while that inflicted by the Caecilianists against the Donatists, which he could not deny was happening was classified as discipline and correction. This paper examines the arguments and tactics Augustine uses to condemn the Donatists while at the same time justifying the Caecilianists.

Anthony DUPONT, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Leuven (Belgium) (Session 1A) (Chairing Session 4A) (anthony.dupont@kuleuven.be)
“The Venerable Bede’s Creative Use of Augustine in Commenting on Ephesians 3:17-18 (Collectio ex opusculis sancti Augustini in epistulas Pauli apostoli fr. 315)”
Florilegia that retrieved fragments from Augustine of Hippo (354-430), thus recapitulating his vast oeuvre into intellectually more manageable collections of excerpts, significantly facilitated the transmission and diffusion of the doctor gratiae’s theology and scriptural exegesis during the Middle Ages. The oldest preserved Augustinian anthology of this type is the so-called Collectio ex opusculis sancti Augustini in epistulas Pauli apostoli (Collection from the works of Saint Augustine on the Letters of the Apostle Paul [CPL 1360]) of the Venerable Bede (672/673-735), whose biblical commentaries have functioned as an important mediator between patristic exegesis and that of the Middle Ages. The Collectio consists of 457 passages, all originating from (37 writings of) Augustine, intended to provide a verse by verse commentary on the corpus of Paul’s Epistles. Despite the Collectio’s role in the distribution of Augustine’s Pauline exegesis and its significance for the study of the textual transmission of Augustine (for instance, for the edition of Augustinian sermons that have been preserved uniquely through fragments in the Collectio, see: P.-P. Verbraken, RB 84 (1974) 245-270), the commentary still lacks a critical edition, and its theological content has not been thoroughly researched yet. In our paper we will argue that such a systematic analysis of the content of this ‘forgotten’ commentary of the Northumbrian Doctor Ecclesiae is a desideratum. The florilegium, as a genre, has for a long period been disregarded as an uncreative pastiche. At the present, however, it is no longer considered a mere collection of fragments, only offering indirect evidence for the reconstruction of older texts. Through the association of different Patristic/Augustinian passages, and their organization in a new structure, the compiler produced an original exposition that expressed his own theological agenda. In concreto, we will observe that Bede constructed his own ‘Augustine’. By selecting, or even ignoring, relevant Augustinian passages, he stressed or eclipsed specific aspects of Augustine’s Pauline exegesis, thus putting forward his interpretation of Paul and doctrine of grace. Bede’s Augustinian exegesis of Eph. 3, 17-18 will function as our case study to illustrate Bede’s Biblical-theological hermeneutics, based on a creative-intentional compilation of Augustinian text fragments and a selective-interpretative reading of Paul through the prism of Augustine.

Serge A. FRANTSOUZOFF, St Petersburg State University, St Petersburg (Russia) (Session 4B) (serge.frantsouzoff@yahoo.fr)
“Concept of Genetic Transmission of the ‘Essence of Salvation’ in the Ethiopian Church and its Reminiscence in Islam”
The sixty-eighth chapter of the Ethiopian dynastic treatise Kəbrä nägäśt (“The Nobility of the Kings”) is of special interest thanks to its clue-term mädḫänit interpreted either as “Saviour” (in the feminine!) or as “ Salvation.” That chapter mentions a specific “essence of Salvation” (ənqwä baḥrəy, literally “mother-of-pearl”) created “in the abdomen of Adam” and transmitted from generation to generation. Meanwhile in Ethiopian theology the term baḥrəy ‘pearl’ denotes the second hypostasis. According to Islamic tradition an aureole over ‘Abdallâh, Muḥammad’s father, indicated that he was a progenitor of a future prophet. Similar ideas appear to influence on the early Shî‘ite doctrine.

Joseph GRABAU, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Leuven (Belgium) (Session 5A) (joseph.grabau@kuleuven.be)
“Retrieving Fourth-Century Donatist Pastoral Theology Based on Fifth-Century Homilies on John Including Augustine’s Tractates”
In my talk, I would like first to highlight five of the sixty so-called Donatist “anonymous” homilies (Escorial 16, 19, 20, 22, and 23 in PLS 4), and to point out their relatively limited, threefold Johannine interest: the Upper Room discourse, and chapters 4 and 8. I would then choose to focus on one of these, and to interpret its exegesis and theology in light of the corpus of Donatist homilies, as well as the sermons of Augustine. In keeping with the conference theme, the potential retrieval of a pre-existing (i.e. late fourth-century) tradition of Donatist exegesis of John may depend, in part, upon evident overlapping citations found also in Augustine of Hippo’s earliest Tractates. I will thus give a short overview of Johannine citations in the Donatist homilies above, and compare these to Augustine’s citations of the same verses, noting which are shared, which unique to the anonymous corpus. Of particular interest will be the use of John 4:23 (veri adoratores adorabunt Patrem in spiritu et veritate) in Homily 16, a verse that is common to both Augustine and the Donatist bishop. Yet Augustine (Io. eu. tr. 15.24) references Jesus and the Samaritan woman to whom he speaks this phrase, as a typological prefiguration of the church, adding thoughts about the distinction of the spiritual and the physical, and thereafter about humility and God’s nearness to the church; while the Donatist author instead emphasizes separation of natures, especially the true from the false, citing 2 Corinthians 6:14, 16 (quae participatio iustitiae iniquitati? quis autem consensus Christo ad Belial? ... quae conventio templo dei cum simulachris?), God and the devil, the sheep and the goats (Matt 7:21), leading up to the Donatist-sounding assertion: veritas extra ecclesia non est, which clearly echoes Cyprian. I would like to speculate, and even to assert, that this is potential evidence of a Donatist form of interpreting John 4:23, which probably existed before Augustine fully encountered either Donatism or John’s Gospel as bishop of Hippo. Yet, the simultaneous similarity and differences of the Catholic Augustinian interpretation vs. the Donatist interpretation deserve recognition. Why does Augustine draw different conclusions, and place a different—more constructive and even pastoral—emphasis on the verse? The evidence appears to support Tilley’s (1997) findings regarding biblical sources for Donatist theology, as well as its overall “legalistic” tone (in contrast to Augustine).

Ekaterina V. GUSAROVA, National Library of Russia, St Petersburg (Russia) (Session 4B) (ekater-ina@mail.ru)
“Veneration of the Sabbath in Medieval Ethiopia: Veterotestamental Commandment in the Doctrine of a Christian Church”
The Ethiopian Church used to observe both the Jewish Sabbath and the Christian one (i.e. Sunday). It is one of the distinctive features of the Ethiopian Christianity. In different periods of its history a series of controversies about observation of the Veterotestamental Sabbath occurred among the clergy of the country. Those disputes sometimes had an influence even in the sphere of politics, since the church was closely connected with the state in the Ethiopian monarchy. Some kings were adherents or adversaries of that custom. From time to time there were splits in the church and large-scale persecutions on that matter.

Rei HAKAMADA, Tokyo University, Tokyo (Japan) (Session 5B) (aaaahkmd@hotmail.com)
“The Development of the Notion of Intellect (Nous) in Byzantine Asceticism”
It is well known that the notion of intellect (nous) has its origin in ancient Greek philosophy and the early Christian fathers have employed and developed the notion in their speculation about human nature. However, it was in the Byzantine era that this notion of intellect was fully integrated into the Christian anthropology, especially in the field of monastic asceticism. In my presentation, I would like to analyze several texts of the Byzantine fathers to see how the notion has been developed and transformed in their writings.

Chris HANLON, Australian Catholic University, Brisbane (Australia) (Session 3B) (Chairing Session 2B) (hanlon@bne.catholic.net.au)
“Agatha: A Good Woman”
St Agatha was a noblewoman born at Catania, Sicily, who was martyred during the Decian Persecution c.251 and buried at Badia di Sant’Agatha, Her feastday is 5 February. This paper proposes to examine the development of Agatha’s influence in the centuries following her death. She appears as one of seven women who are mentioned in the Roman Canon. She has an entry in the sixth-century Martyrologium Hieronymianum, which drew upon earlier martyrologies from North Africa and Rome. Such was her renown, that it became necessary to compose her Acta; these became one of the earliest examples of Christian hagiographic legend. In Merovingian Gaul, Venantius Fortunatus’ Carmina make a reference to Agatha. She appears as significant in the dedication of churches. By way of example, reference may be made to the Roman Church of Sant’Agata dei Goti (built by Ricimer c.460) or Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna (built by Theoderic the Ostrogoth c.504, and retained under the subsequent Byzantine administration). In the ninth century Methodius of Sicily, patriarch of Constantinople (born Syracuse, Sicily, who went to the imperial city c.800), composed a Sermon in her honour, which survives among his literary legacy.Finally, there are the popular devotions which are associated with St Agatha. Principally, these centre around Catania, where the saint has developed an association with Mount Aetna. The city’s cathedral is dedicated to her. But there are also other significant devotional sites. A crypt at Rabat, Malta is one of these which is of particular significance.

Sergei IVANOV, National Research University, Moscow (Russia) (Plenary 1) (Chairing Session 3B) (s.ark.ivanov@gmail.com)
“The Survival of Extravagant Saintliness in the Mid-Byzantine Period”
The paper focuses on phenomena such as transvestism, stylitism, and holy foolery at the time of the “cooling” of the initial hagiographic enthusiasm. How should an anti-canonical saint have felt when sainthood became smoothed down, stale, and strictly controlled? The predicament of hagiographers in this new environment will be demonstrated on different examples, drawn from both well-known sources (for instance, Christophoros of Mytilene), newly published ones (for instance, Nikon of the Black Mountain), and those remaining unpublished (like the Dionysiou version of the Life of Basil the Younger).

Naoki KAMIMURA, Tokyo Gakugei University, Tokyo (Japan) (Section 6C) (Chairing Session 4C) (kmmrnk@nifty.com)
“The Provisional Reception of Patristic Authors in Sixteenth-Century Japan”
Japan’s first encounter with Christianity started with the arrival of Francis Xavier, one of the founding members of the Society of Jesus, at the southern part of Japan in 1549. He and his successors conveyed the message of Christianity to the country ruined by civil wars from the middle of the fifteenth century. The rapid growth in popularity of Christianity among people had promoted the activity of Christian missionaries. They founded institutions for higher education, brought a printing press from Europe, and engaged in publishing activities in a seminary. Yet, despite the successful diffusion of Christianity, its end came quickly with the strict governmental decrees in the first decade of the next century. Japanese Christians and all missionaries were expelled, martyred, and swept away from the island country. During these years, around 100 books were published and circulated among congregations and general readers. In this paper, I shall deal with some treatises and consider the way in which the missionaries approached the intellectual and spiritual interest of Japanese converted to Christianity. In particular, I will argue how the reference to patristic authors could shed light on not only the intellectual history in this “Christian Century” but also the feature of missionary activities that expressed the theological, philosophical, and ascetic aspect of the contemporary European thought.

Julia KONSTANTINOVSKY, Oxford University, Oxford (United Kingdom) (Section 5B) (Chairing Session 2A) (julia.konstantinovsky@theology.ox.ac.uk)
“Evagrius Ponticus on Divine Ascent”
Evagrius Ponticus (346-399) was ordained deacon by Gregory of Nazianzus and was a well-known preacher in Constantinople. In 382 he became a monk in the Egyptian desert. He occupies a central place in the development of Christian spirituality, and his writings exercised a great influence on John Cassian and Maximus the Confessor among others. For Evagrius, “if you are a theologian you pray truly, and if you pray truly, you are a theologian.” He put forward an understanding of knowledge or “gnosis” as a partaking of the life of divinity. For him the metaphysical or supernatural was indissolubly locked with the physical, the divine and the contingent. For Evagrius, true knowledge puts one on the right road towards the perfection to which the Scriptures point. This talk will consider Evagrius’ understanding of reality, and what he teaches about how one mounts up the ladder of divine ascent to know and contemplate God through contemplation of the books of nature and of Scripture.

Shunsuke KOSAKA, Tohoku University, Sendai (Japan) (Session 2A) (skosaka@m.tohoku.ac.jp)
“Between Critic and Eulogy: Comparing the Historiography of Ammianus and the Invective of Gregory on the Emperor Julian”
Emperor Julian the Apostate remains a controversial character until the present day. Among the people who met him personally, we know Gregory of Nazianzus as the most incisive critic of Julian. To the contrary, Ammianus Marcellinus is considered as one of the eulogists of Julian by researchers through his Res Gestae relating the Roman history from 96 to 378 CE. What seems to be lacking is a comparison between the two authors on their different and shared attitude toward Julian’s deeds. In this presentation, I try to show one of the processes making the image of the emperor Julian.

Koos KRITZINGER, University of Pretoria, Pretoria (South Africa) (Session 7B)
(Koos.Kritzinger@up.ac.za)
“Three Love Stories, Three Caves, Three Suicides: Aeneas and Dido, Pyramus and Thisbe, Malchus and his ‘Wife’”
In his discussion of Jerome’s Vita Malchi, Fuhrmann states that “Die Struktur der Vita Malchi ist – mit einem Paar im Mittelpunkt, mit Räuber, Flucht und Rettung in höchster Not – ein stark verkürzter Abklatsch der Liebesromane.” He points out several features of the Malchus narrative that correspond to elements in different love romances, like Chariton’s Callirhoe, Xenophon’s Ephesian Tale, and Achilles Tatius’Leucippe and Clitophon. In a previous publication I have indicated multiple references and allusions to both classical sources and the Bible in this work of Jerome. In this paper the focus falls on a possible allusion to the story of Pyramus and Thisbe from Ovid’s Metamorphoses, which has not been considered previously. The love story of Aeneas and Dido in Virgil’s Aeneid and Pyramus and Thisbe are compared to and contrasted with the story of Malchus and his ‘wife’.

Basil LOURIÉ Scrinium, St Petersburg (Russia) (Section 6A) (Chairing Session 7C and Plenary) (hieromaonk@gmail.com)
“Inscription on the Chalice of Solomon: A Liturgical Text of Second Temple Judaism”

The so-called Inscription on the Chalice of Solomon is now known in the Slavonic version (rich manuscript tradition), two Greek manuscripts (one unpublished), and two Latin manuscripts representing two different versions (both unpublished). The theological and liturgical settings must be localised within Second Temple Judaism. An early Christian setting is not to be excluded—providing that Christianity was also a movement within Second Temple Judaism—but there is no specific Christian feature in the text. Being a messianic text on the resurrection, the Inscription is related to Zion as its “holy place” and to a liturgy going back or identical to that of the feast of New Wine.

Marcello LA MATINA, Università degli Studi di Macerata, Macerata (Italy) (Section 6C) (marvin.lamatina@gmail.com)
“Did Europe Lose its Identity in Translation?”
In spite of more than fifty years’ attempts to reconcile its multifarious landscape of religions, languages, and countries, contemporary Europe seems not to express yet a homogeneous culture. Regardless of any political division, some crucial divide there exists whose nature rests somehow inscrutable. My thesis is that the modern Europe leads the marks of a far off and deep fracture, resulting from the adoption—all along the Middle Ages—of two different, and, to a certain extent, conflicting models of Reason. By simplicity’s sake, I recognize the dominant model as resulting from the heritage of the late Scholastic thought, whilst the second one seems to have emerged from the dissolution of the Byzantine empire and the migration of its intelligentsia from East to West. During such a shifting, something was perhaps “lost in translation”. I will try here to sketch a reasonable outline, arguing that the church fathers—especially the eastern ones—do show the proper survival useful for a suitable reformulation of the pivotal questions. Personhood and fatherhood are the key notions in their framework.

Ivan MIROSHNIKOV, University of Helsinki (Finland) (Session 7B) (ivan.miroshnikov@gmail.com) “Why DO Women Not Deserve to Live? Protology and Misogyny in Gos. Thom. 114”

The paper builds on the insights offered by Antti Marjanen in his seminal article on women disciples in the Gospel of Thomas. Professor Marjanen reached two principal conclusions regarding Gos. Thom. 114: first, it is a second-century accretion to the text of the Gospel of Thomas reflecting early Christian debates about the role of women; second, the idea of “making oneself male” seem to refer to male impersonation. In my paper, I will supplement Marjanen’s conclusions on the meaning of “making oneself male” by discussing the possible background of the notions that women are not worthy of life and that they must become “living male spirits.” I will argue that the latter expression is an allusion to the second account of creation according to Genesis. It is likely that the Thomasine notion of “a living spirit” is inspired by the creation narrative of Gen 2:7 and that Gos. Thom. 114 describes this “living spirit” as “male” because the first human of Gen 2:7 was male. By approaching Gos. Thom. 114 against the background of the second account of creation, we might gain an insight into the harsh words of Simon Peter: women are not worthy of life because the first living being was male. Fortunately, according to Jesus, a woman can attain the condition of the primordial man (i.e. transform into a “living male spirit”) and, by doing so, attain salvation.

Evgenïa MOISSEEVA, University of Strasbourg, Strasbourg (France) (Session 4C) (evgeniamoisseeva@gmail.com)
“The Book of Genesis as a Hidden Source of Manichaeism”
There exists an entrenched notion, supported by both Christian and Manichaean texts, that Manicheans rejected the Old Testament as a product of Satan. However, scholars have identified loans from the Old Testament in Manichaean works. In this talk, we will discuss the role of Genesisin Manichaeism, concentrating primarily on Manichaean texts that circulated within the Roman empire. We will specifically focus on the narratives of Adam and Eve and the tree of knowledge to see if Genesisshould be considered one of the sources of Manichaean legends about the beginnings of humankind.

Sakata NANAE, University of Tokyo, Tokyo (Japan) (Session 3B) (piscis.pisces@gmail.com)
“Dialogue with Ancient Wisdom: The Case of Suger of Saint-Denis”
Suger, a twelfth-century French abbot of Saint-Denis, frequently quoted not only texts of early church fathers but also those from the secular literature of Greco-Roman antiquity in his writings and tituli. This paper examines the manner of his quotations by comparing the early Christian traditions with the non-Christian traditions, both preserved in his Vita Ludovici Glossi regisand other writings, and argues that his quotations are represented by his understanding of the tension between personal judgment and history that continues after death. This analysis illustrates an example of the survival of early Christian traditions in the medieval period.

Bronwen NEIL, Australian Catholic University (Australia) (Session 4A) (Chairing Session 1B) (bronwen.neil@acu.edu.au)
“Dreams and Contemplation in Origen’s Contra Celsum”
Origen of Alexandria displayed a typically ambivalent attitude to dream-visions and their mantic and admonitory functions, especially in Contra Celsum. By looking at the vocabulary of “seeing” or contemplation (theoria) in his discussions of the process of receiving dream-visions and interpreting them, I compare these two means of divinely inspired perception of the invisible realm. Both contemplation and dream-visions (fantasia) can be considered modes of contemplating the rational principles of created beings (logoi), the first using the nous and the second using the imagination. How did dreams-visions relate to, or prepare the philosopher for, the ecstatic state of union with the divine?

Satoshi OHTANI, Rikkyo University, Tokyo, (Japan) (Session 7A) (sohtani1980@gmail.com)
“The Persecution at Lyon and the Martyrdom of Irenaeus in the Eyes of Gregory of Tours”
In this presentation, I will explore how Gregory of Tours, the Gallic historian of the sixth century, understood the persecution at Lyon in AD 177. In his Ten Books of Histories and Glory of the Martyrs, Gregory briefly describes the persecution, naming the martyrs, including Irenaeus, the bishop of Lyon, as one of them. According to ancient historians, however, Irenaeus was not a martyr. It can be established that the list of martyrs was taken from the work of Eusebius, titled Collection of the Ancient Martyrs, of which only fragments had survived by the time of Gregory. In addition, the translation of Eusebius’ Church History into Latin by Rufinus altered the passage referring to Collection. Due to the corruption of texts which occurred in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages, there was another image of the persecution at Lyon in Gregory’s eyes.

Makiko SATO, Toyama University, Toyama (Japan) (Session 3A) (makiko.sat@gmail.com)
“Almsgiving to Oneself: An Examination of Augustine’s Interpretation of the Order of Love”
In Enchiridion andhis Sermo 387, Augustine offers his unique interpretation of the Bible’s phrase “you shall love your neighbor as yourself” (Luke 11:42). He interprets this phrase as showing the right order of love and argues that we should, first of all, love ourselves and give alms to ourselves. Although he often mentioned this phrase in his works, he does not seem to offer this particular interpretation in his earlier works. In the paper, I will clarify how Augustine came to this interpretation by focusing on his understanding of “living aright (recte vivere).”

Alexey SOMOV, Institute for Bible Translation, Moscow (Russia) (Session 7C) (Chairing Session 6A) (absomov@yandex.ru)
“Dove in the Story of Jesus’ Baptism”
The expression “like a dove” in Mark 1:10 relates either to “Spirit” or “descending.” Although a dove was often interpreted as the symbol of the Spirit in later Christian tradition, such imagery is not found in Jewish and the early Christian texts of the 1st century. In my paper I demonstrate that “like a dove” resonates with Gen 1:2; 4Q521; Odes Sol. 28:1; b. Hag 15a as connected with the description of how the Spirit hovers (like a bird) over the righteous. In the pre-Gospel tradition about Jesus’ baptism this symbolism could be adopted and specified the manner in which the Spirit descended upon Jesus.

Ryan STRICKLER, Australian Catholic University, Brisbane (Australia) (Section 6B) (ryan.strickler@myacu.edu.au)
“What are the Sons of Ishmael? Byzantine Portrayals of Muslims in Seventh-Century Literature”
The stunning victories of the early Islamic empire against Byzantine forces left the latter in a state of shock. Unaccustomed to defeat, and unsure of the exact nature of the enemy, Byzantine writers employed a variety of literary strategies in an attempt to comprehend this new force. Some mistook them as Jews, while others used bestial language to dehumanize the adversary. Still others spoke of the Arabs using Old Testament tropes and apocalyptic discourse, referring to them as the “unclean nations” of Ezekiel. This paper examines these portrayals and what they tell us about Byzantine methods of coping with crisis.

Wonmo SUH, Presbyterian University and Theological College, Seoul (South Korea) (Session 3A) (Chairing Session 7B) (wonmosuh@hotmail.com)
“The Role of Rational Beings in Creation in Augustine’s Commentaries on Genesis”
Augustine composed at least five expositional works on Genesis 1-3. This study is designed to investigate the role of rational beings or angels in creation in these commentaries on Genesis from De Genesi contra Manichaeos libri duo to De Genesi ad litteram. For this it will explore Augustine’s comments on heaven and earth (Gen. 1:1), creation of the light (Gen. 1:3-5), evening, morning, and day in the account of the six-day creation in each commentary, compare them, and endeavour to explain the reason for Augustine’s progressive emphasis on the role of rational beings in creation.

Hidemi TAKAHASHI, University of Tokyo, Tokyo (Japan) (Session 4C) (takahashi@ask.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp)
“From Lydda to Xiapu: The Chinese Manichaean Prayer of Saint Geroge (Zisizhou)”
One particularly remarkable piece among the Chinese Manichaean documents discovered in Xiapu County in northern Fujian in 2010 is the Jisizhou (吉思呪), a prayer to the “great saint Yihuojisi (移活吉思大聖)”, which is clearly based on the Christian martyrdom acts of Saint George. In this paper, a description of the contents of the prayer will be followed by a comparison of the material there with the Greek, Syriac, Sogdian, Turkic and other versions of the Acts, along with a discussion of the possible ways in which this originally Christian story became a part of the Manichaean tradition and survived in a remote corner of China into the modern period, whereby an attempt will be made to place the piece within the larger picture of the survival of the Patristic heritage in Central Asia and China.

Satoshi TODA, Hokkaido University, Sapporo (Japan) (Session 4A) (Chairing Session 1A) (jsattoda@yahoo.co.jp)
“The Eusebian Canons: A Neglected Tool for the Interpretation of the Gospels”
The Eusebian Canons, printed e.g. in the so-called Nestle-Aland edition of the New Testament just before the beginning of the gospels, have so far been largely neglected as an interpretative tool of the gospels. However, examined in detail, the canons appear to have great potentials even for the study of the gospels today. Earlier the author of this paper published an article, focusing on the passion stories of the gospels, in order to illustrate how the canons can be explored. This paper, which continues the analysis of the canons, intends to show the importance of the Eusebian Canons taken as a whole.

Hiroshi TONE, Doshisha University, Kyoto (Japan) (Session 1B) (bo.ludo.1031@asahi-net.or.jp)
“On the Function of the Term Adoptus Applied to Jesus Christ in the Arian Controversy Especially from Materials about the Ninth-Century Adoptionist Controversy in Spain”
One way of recovering the early Christian content from medieval material can be to remove the prejudice that is deeply rooted in church history. Thus, this presentation will put its focus on the function of the term adoptus as applied to Jesus Christus in Arian controversy, referring to materials about ninth century’s Adoptionism controversy in Spain, which includes many quotations of the church fathers from the fourth century. As a result, it becomes clear that this term could have been employed in the fourth century in order to express the manner of the human generation of Jesus Christ, for the purpose of avoiding a nuance of created things from his human generation.

Chris DE WET, University of South Africa, Pretoria (South Africa) (Session 6B) (Chairing Session 5B) (chrisldw@gmail.com)
“The ‘Slave of God’ Tradition in Early Christian Ascetic Practice”
The aim of this paper is to investigate more closely how the so-called “slave of God” tradition (cf. 1 Cor. 7:22) manifests itself in early Christian ascetic practice. When it comes to the study of early Christian views on slavery, the monastic literature has been widely neglected. I will look, specifically, at the ascetic practices of monks that appear to represent symbolism of slavery or captivity, such as chaining, binding, and the wearing of collars and heavy irons. Sources that attest to these practices include Apophthegmata Patrum,Evagrius, Theodoret, Epiphanius, John Chrysostom, Jerome, John of Ephesus, and others. Then there is also the actual kidnapping and selling into slavery—the image of the so-called “captive monk,” like Jerome’s narration in Vita Malchi—that also merits discussion. It will be asked what these practices signify in monastic culture and spirituality, especially as related to the control of the passions. Interestingly, these practices surface quite frequently in the Syrian context, while there seems to be an aversion to the practices in the Egyptian context. There also seems to be some opposition from urban Christian leaders against such practices. This problem will also be addressed.

Nozomu YAMADA, Nanzan University, Nagoya (Japan) (Session 5A) (Chairing Session 3A) (nozomu@nanzan-u.ac.jp)
“‘Rhetorical’ Controversy between Augustine and Julian of Eclanum: Real Intentions and Social Backgrounds of Both Polemicists”
This paper analyzes the final controversy between Augustine and Julian of Eclanum from a “rhetorical” perspective, as well as from theological-anthropological perspectives. It focuses upon what kinds of social backgrounds were reflected in the ecclesiastical conditions of that time, and also in the controversy between the two churchmen. It also explores what intentions the two polemists really had in mind, through examining their rhetorical expressions. Opus imperfectum and several controversial books of Augustine and Julian of Eclanum are the principal sources used.

Last update of this web page - 14.09.2016